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Mr. Chairman,
Let me begin by congratulating you on your election as Chairman of the Commission this year. On behalf of my delegation, I assure you of our full support and cooperation.
Pakistan associates itself with the statement delivered by Indonesia on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).
Mr. Chairman,
The global security landscape is becoming increasingly complex. Even as old disputes remain unresolved in some regions, new conflicts and tensions have emerged from Europe and the Middle East to Asia. The promise of a new century of peace and stability is now giving way to the gloomy advent of new cold wars.
The disarmament regime and architecture is not immune from this larger trend. There are clear differences of perspective, approach and modalities among member States to deal with nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.
Progress on nuclear disarmament remains stalled. Some Nuclear Weapon States are neither willing to give up their large inventories of nuclear weapons nor their modernization programmes, even as they pursue non-proliferation with messianic zeal. And, some thirty non-nuclear-weapon States – members of nuclear-armed alliances – continue to rely robustly on nuclear weapons while advocating abstinence by other States facing real security deficits, some of which are exacerbated by extravagant arms exports and nuclear cooperation.
Many States continue to pursue policies of granting waivers and exemptions from long-held non-proliferation principles, thus contributing to insecurity and imbalances in certain regions – especially South Asia. Military expenditures are rising and conventional weapons inventories expanding, including in South Asia.
Meanwhile, new threats have arisen in areas such as hostile use of Outer Space, offensive cyber capabilities including cyber attacks on safeguarded nuclear facilities, development and use of Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems (LAWS) and armed drones, as well as the development of advanced conventional hypersonic systems of global reach.
Mr. Chairman,
The existing and emerging challenges to global and regional security, and consequentially to arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament, need to be addressed holistically on the basis of constructive and cooperative multilateralism. For over a decade, Pakistan has been advocating renewal and rebuilding of an international consensus on disarmament issues inter alia based on the principle of equal security for all. This Commission, as a deliberative body with universal membership, can play an important role in evolving such a consensus.
We recognize that consensus building will be a difficult task, but we take this opportunity to put forward some ideas that we feel are essential to promote greater cooperation in strengthening global security:
First,in evolving a new approach, we must start from the same basic premise, i.e. recognition of the right to equal security for all States. The SSOD-I adopted the principle of “equal security” for all States, both in the non-conventional and conventional fields and at regional as well as international levels. This is an essential prerequisite for progress in areas of non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament.
Two,we must address the underlying security considerations which drive smaller states to seek weapons to defend themselves. These motives include perceived threats from superior conventional or non-conventional forces; existence of disputes and conflicts with more powerful States; and discrimination in the application of international norms and laws.
Three,the Nuclear Weapon States must demonstrate a renewed commitment to achieve nuclear disarmament that reduces and eliminates nuclear warheads and delivery systems within a reasonable timeframe. Without this commitment, the “bargain” of the global non-proliferation regime will continue to erode resulting in greater insecurity for all states. The eventual objective must be total elimination of nuclear weapons within the context of a reenergized collective multilateral security system.
Four,an agreed, criteria-based and non-discriminatory approach must be evolved to promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under appropriate international safeguards. Advances in technology as well as an improved IAEA inspections regime have made it possible to promote “proliferation resistant” nuclear technology.
Five,until nuclear disarmament is achieved, non-nuclear weapon States should be given assurances that they will not be threatened with the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. The security assurances offered by nuclear weapon States need to be translated into a universal, unconditional and legally binding treaty. As a responsible nuclear-weapon state we have consistently advocated such a treaty.
Six,we must evolve a universal and non-discriminatory agreement to address concerns arising from the development, deployment and proliferation of Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) systems, which are inherently destabilizing and provoke missile buildups.
Seven,we must strengthen the international legal regime to prevent the militarization and weaponization of outer space.
Eight,as a pragmatic step towards disarmament, the nuclear weapon States need to halt future production and address the issue of existing stocks of weapon-usable fissile materials through a Fissile Material Treaty negotiated multilaterally at the Conference on Disarmament.
Nine,the development and use of drones and Lethal Autonomous Robots (LARs) need to be curbed, internationally regulated and made subject to international humanitarian law.
Ten, regional issues that entail nuclear and missile aspects require approaches, which go beyond the traditional framework of disarmament and non-proliferation. Hopefully, the current challenges relating to the nuclear issues of countries in the Middle East and Northeast Asia will be addressed in a cooperative framework. Pakistan supports the fulfillment in good faith by States of their international obligations in the area of international security. We also support the objective of creating a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East and a Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. Resolution of these two issues can only be promoted through dialogue and negotiations.
Eleven,there is also an urgent need for mutual and balanced reductions in armed forces and conventional armaments. As laid down in the Final Document of SSOD-I, these negotiations should be conducted with particular emphasis on militarily significant States. The disturbing trend of escalation in the number and sophistication of conventional weapons has to be arrested as it has a direct relationship with the continuing reliance on nuclear weapons.
Mr. Chairman,
Pakistan welcomes the entry into force of the Arms Trade Treaty. We consider this milestone as a first step towards regulating trade and transfer of conventional weapons. Trade and transfer issues are organically linked to equally important aspects of excessive production and exports as well as arms control. A comprehensive approach is therefore needed to deal with both causes and manifestations of violence, wars and killings, arising from the use of conventional weapons – small or large.
Mr. Chairman,
We support the development of confidence-building measures in the area of conventional arms. This has remained one of the traditional items on the UNDC’s agenda and we have contributed constructively to deliberations on this in the last decade. We look forward to the Commission's proceedings on this important issue this year.
Mr. Chairman,
The challenges facing the international disarmament agenda and machinery are exclusive neither to the UNDC nor to the CD. Other parts of the disarmament machinery are confronted with similar difficulties.
Let us consider the state of affairs in the First Committee. In the past ten years, several measures have been taken to rationalize and improve the Committee’s methods of work. The primary goals of these efforts were to achieve efficiency and effectiveness and also “results”. Yet, despite these measures, the effectiveness, authority and results of the First Committee are apparent. More importantly, changes in working methods have not led to results on substance, as for example, movement on the priority accorded to nuclear disarmament.
Similarly, this Commission has not been able to agree on any document for more than a decade and half. The differences in perceptions and priorities among member States have been so profound that the Commission was not able, at times, to even agree on the wording of its nuclear agenda item. The Disarmament Commission has also attempted, in its own way, to aid the improvement of its working methods.
There is of course always room for more improvement but the real issue is how to deal with political dynamics and developments outside the UN’s conference rooms. We stand ready to engage delegations in efforts to reinvigorate this Commission as well as other elements of the global disarmament machinery.
Finally Mr. Chairman,
Pakistan calls for the convening of a Fourth Special Session on Disarmament (SSOD-IV) as it can provide the best chance for breaking the current impasse in disarmament, reenergize the role of the UN in promoting cooperative multilateralism in global security, and respond to the demands of civil society worldwide to seek a world secure and safe without nuclear and other non-conventional and advanced conventional weapons.
The high-level segments of the General Assembly and the Conference on Disarmament, while valuable are no substitute for SSOD-IV. If some 50 plus heads of State and Government can meet every two years since 2010 at Nuclear Security Summits that deal with the security of about 15% of the world’s nuclear material; surely world leaders should meet in the General Assembly’s Special Disarmament Session to discuss security in a world of some 17,000 nuclear warheads.
I thank you, Mr. Chairman.