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Mr. Chairman,
I congratulate you on your election as the Chair of the First Committee’s 2014 session. We have full confidence in your experience and diplomatic skills for carrying out this task successfully. I assure you of the support and cooperation of my delegation.
We associate ourselves with the statement of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).
Mr. Chairman,
Since the end of the Cold War, contrary to the general expectations, the global security environment has increasingly deteriorated. A just and secure world order continues to elude us. While decades old disputes persist in several regions of the world, we continue to witness the eruption of new conflicts in others. According to some, we are on the threshold of a new cold war, ranging from Europe to Asia.
The cardinal principle of aspiring for equal and undiminished security for all states is being trumped by narrow selfish interests, as a zero-sum game. The ambition for world domination and hegemony has undermined accommodation and engagement as the basis of a rules-based cooperative multi-polar world. Absolute security for one state or a group of states cannot come at the cost of diminished security for others.
These developments, coupled with renewed military build-ups and the trend of granting waivers and exceptions to long-held principles has severely damaged the international arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament regime. The aspirations and pretences for a world free of nuclear weapons do not match practical action on the ground. We continue to observe the application of double standards, exceptionalism and revisionism based on narrow security, political and commercial considerations.
Mr. Chairman,
At the same time, new weapons systems are being developed, deployed and used. These include Anti-Ballistic Missiles (ABMs), non-nuclear strategic weapon systems with destructive capacity equal to nuclear weapons, armed drones, and Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems (LAWS). Outer space, the common heritage of all humankind, continues to be threatened by the increasing prospect of weaponization. The hostile use of cyber technologies including for espionage and surveillance on other states is growing.
The use of armed drones in the territory of another state outside the zone of conflict is contrary to international law. It challenges the security and sovereignty of a state, and also has grave human rights and humanitarian implications due to the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians including women and children. Similarly, Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems (LAWS) – that would choose and fire on pre-programmed targets on their own without any human intervention – pose a fundamental challenge to the protection of civilians and the notion of affixation of responsibility and transparency.
Pakistan therefore calls for evolving international norms, rules and laws to ensure that armed drones and LAWS are only used in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations charter, international human rights and humanitarian law. Technology must follow the law and not the other way around.
Mr. Chairman,
The existing and emerging challenges to arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament need to be addressed collectively on the basis of cooperative multilateralism. Pakistan, therefore, has consistently called for evolving a renewed global consensus on disarmament and non-proliferation in all its aspects, on the basis of equity, balance, restraint and cooperation among states.
We recognize that consensus building will be a difficult task, but as a first step we need to identify the fundamental prerequisites for global security. These are:
One, recognition of the right to equal security for all States. SSOD-I adopted the principle of “equal security” for all States, both in the non-conventional and conventional fields and at regional as well as international levels. This is an essential prerequisite for progress in areas of non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament.
Two, we must address the motives which drive States to acquire weapons to defend themselves. These motives include perceived threats from larger conventional or non-conventional forces; the existence of disputes and conflicts with more powerful States; and discrimination in the application of international norms and laws.
Three, the Nuclear Weapon States must demonstrate a renewed commitment to achieve nuclear disarmament within a reasonable timeframe. Without this commitment, the “bargain” of the non-proliferation regime will continue to erode. The eventual objective must be the total elimination of nuclear weapons within the context of a reenergized collective security system.
Four, an agreed, criteria-based and non-discriminatory approach must be evolved for the promotion of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy under appropriate international safeguards, in accordance with the international obligations of States. The advances in technology have made it possible to promote “proliferation resistant” nuclear technology.
Five, until nuclear disarmament is achieved, non-nuclear weapon states should be given assurances that they will not be threatened with the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons through a universal, unconditional and legally binding treaty. As a nuclear weapon state we have repeatedly advocated such a treaty.
Six, we must evolve a universal and non-discriminatory agreement for addressing concerns arising from development, deployment and proliferation of Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) systems, which are inherently destabilizing, while being of dubious reliability.
Seven, we must strengthen the international legal regime in order to prevent the militarization of outer space.
Eight, as a pragmatic step towards disarmament, the NWS need to halt future production and eliminate all existing stocks of fissile materials or at least bring them under international safeguards through a Fissile Material Treaty.
Nine, the development and use of drones and Lethal Autonomous Weapon Systems (LAWS) need to be checked and brought under international regulation. Besides the UNGA and its First Committee, the CCW Conference of State Parties also provides a forum to address these issues.
Ten, Regional issues that touch on nuclear and missile aspects require approaches that go beyond the traditional framework of disarmament and non-proliferation. We trust that the current controversy relating to the nuclear issues of countries in the Middle East and Northeast Asia will be addressed in a cooperative framework. Pakistan supports the fulfillment of international obligations by all States. We also support the objective of creating a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East and a Korean Peninsula free of nuclear weapons. Resolution of these two issues can only be promoted through dialogue and negotiations.
Eleven, there is also an urgent need for the balanced reduction of armed forces and conventional armaments. As laid down in the Final Document of SSOD-I, these negotiations should be conducted with particular emphasis on militarily significant states. The disturbing trend of escalation in the number and sophistication of conventional weapons has to be arrested as it has a direct relationship with the continuing reliance on nuclear weapons.
Mr. Chairman,
We welcome the Arms Trade Treaty as a first step towards regulating trade and transfer of conventional weapons. But trade and transfer are only one part of the larger landscape where equally important factors of ‘excessive production’, ‘sale’ and ‘arms control’ need to be addressed sooner rather than later. Such a comprehensive approach can truly halt human suffering, prevent conflicts and promote international security.
Mr. Chairman,
In order to translate these fundamental norms into action for a more secure world, we require an efficient arms control, non-proliferation, and disarmament machinery. Unfortunately, however, this international machinery is not working. Neither the Conference on Disarmament (CD) nor the UN Disarmament Commission have been able to make progress for more than a decade. In order to make progress in these fora, we must recognize that:
One, The CD does not operate in a vacuum and functions under the prevailing political realities; and
Two, No treaty can be negotiated in the CD which is detrimental to the security interests of any of its member states. The consensus rule was designed precisely to ensure this point.
A comprehensive revitalization effort is therefore required. A new bargain for the 21st century is needed that reflects the existing realities. Pakistan reiterates its support for the long-standing call of NAM countries, which comprise almost two-thirds of the UN membership, to convene the Fourth Special Session on Disarmament (SSOD-IV). This session should aim at an integrated and holistic approach towards achieving the goals of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation in a balanced and non-discriminatory manner, keeping in view the security interests of all states.
I thank you.